Rner couples. They found that a sense of control mediated the

Rner couples. They found that a sense of control mediated the impact of parenthood on well-being among these couples. Marital quality may also mediate the impact of parenthood transitions on well-being. Two recent longitudinal studies of new parents found that mothers who perceived more support from their partner were less likely to experience an increase in depressive symptoms following the birth of a child (Smith Howard, 2008). Women who were ambivalent about their marital relationship and perceived less support from husbands experienced a greater increase in depressive symptoms following the transition to parenthood (Simpson, Rholes, Campbell, Tran, Wilson, 2003). In sum, recent research emphasizes that the well-being of new parents cannot be fully understood without considering the timing and context of the transition to parenthood. Becoming a parent may be a profound stressor, with negative long-term consequences for some people and an important source of well-being for others. Yet recent studies provide mixed results on the long-term implications of early age at first birth. Emphasis on the contextual nature of new parenthood is consistent with the life course perspective that draws attention to heterogeneity among individuals experiencing the same transition under different circumstances and at different stages of the life course. Emphasis on context is particularly important, given demographic changes in age and marital status at first birth as well as the role of new reproductive technologies that facilitate childbearing at older ages (Friese, Becker, Nachtigall, 2006; Santelli et al., 2009). Future research should continue to emphasize parenthood within the context of these trends. We now turn to studies that move beyond the transition to parenthood to focus on the effects of young children on parents.NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptMinor Children in Social ContextParents of minor children report higher levels of distress than do parents of adult children or childless individuals in national surveys (Evenson Simon, 2005). The primary explanation is that the presence of young children increases exposure to I-CBP112 site significant stressors, including daily demands and time constraints of parenting, increased strain between parents, and work-family conflict. In turn, stress undermines parental well-being. For example, Wickrama and colleagues (2001) found that parental stress was positively associated with increased risk for early onset hypertension in a sample of married individuals. Moreover, this effect was significant for women but not men, reflecting a general theme of gender differences in the effects of parenting on well-being, presumably because women shoulder primary responsibility for child care, even if they also work outside the home (Bianchi,J Marriage Fam. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 August 23.Umberson et al.Page2000; Blair-Loy, 2003). Notably, most studies do not consider possible differences in the effects of parenting based on age of minor child (e.g., infant, preschool, teen), although some studies focus specifically on infants or preschool children (e.g., Jackson, 2000). Single Parents A major theme of recent research is that parenting of minor children is more stressful in some social structural contexts than others. In particular, parenthood is associated with higher levels of distress for the T0901317 supplier unmarried than the married (Evenson Simon, 2005), and unmarried.Rner couples. They found that a sense of control mediated the impact of parenthood on well-being among these couples. Marital quality may also mediate the impact of parenthood transitions on well-being. Two recent longitudinal studies of new parents found that mothers who perceived more support from their partner were less likely to experience an increase in depressive symptoms following the birth of a child (Smith Howard, 2008). Women who were ambivalent about their marital relationship and perceived less support from husbands experienced a greater increase in depressive symptoms following the transition to parenthood (Simpson, Rholes, Campbell, Tran, Wilson, 2003). In sum, recent research emphasizes that the well-being of new parents cannot be fully understood without considering the timing and context of the transition to parenthood. Becoming a parent may be a profound stressor, with negative long-term consequences for some people and an important source of well-being for others. Yet recent studies provide mixed results on the long-term implications of early age at first birth. Emphasis on the contextual nature of new parenthood is consistent with the life course perspective that draws attention to heterogeneity among individuals experiencing the same transition under different circumstances and at different stages of the life course. Emphasis on context is particularly important, given demographic changes in age and marital status at first birth as well as the role of new reproductive technologies that facilitate childbearing at older ages (Friese, Becker, Nachtigall, 2006; Santelli et al., 2009). Future research should continue to emphasize parenthood within the context of these trends. We now turn to studies that move beyond the transition to parenthood to focus on the effects of young children on parents.NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptMinor Children in Social ContextParents of minor children report higher levels of distress than do parents of adult children or childless individuals in national surveys (Evenson Simon, 2005). The primary explanation is that the presence of young children increases exposure to significant stressors, including daily demands and time constraints of parenting, increased strain between parents, and work-family conflict. In turn, stress undermines parental well-being. For example, Wickrama and colleagues (2001) found that parental stress was positively associated with increased risk for early onset hypertension in a sample of married individuals. Moreover, this effect was significant for women but not men, reflecting a general theme of gender differences in the effects of parenting on well-being, presumably because women shoulder primary responsibility for child care, even if they also work outside the home (Bianchi,J Marriage Fam. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 August 23.Umberson et al.Page2000; Blair-Loy, 2003). Notably, most studies do not consider possible differences in the effects of parenting based on age of minor child (e.g., infant, preschool, teen), although some studies focus specifically on infants or preschool children (e.g., Jackson, 2000). Single Parents A major theme of recent research is that parenting of minor children is more stressful in some social structural contexts than others. In particular, parenthood is associated with higher levels of distress for the unmarried than the married (Evenson Simon, 2005), and unmarried.