Whether or not these effects are found across subpopulations. A consistent

Whether or not these effects are found across subpopulations. A consistent trend shows African American youth are more likely to be placed in kinship foster care than other populations (Smith Devore, 2004; Swann Sylvester, 2006). Researchers have theorized that the disproportionate placement of African American youth in kinship foster care relates to cultural assumptions and familial willingness such as large extended family networks of support. Indeed, African American families are more likely to rely on kin or fictive kin in times of need (Brown, Cohon, Wheeler, 2002; Harris Skyles, 2008; Swann Sylvester, 2006). Additionally, others suggest kinship care represents a way to keep children in their families and communities (Bartholet, 2009). While there is evidence to suggest that high rates of child welfare service involvement in predominantly African American communities may adversely affect parental authority and neighborhood cohesion (Roberts, 2008), it is possible the desire to respond through use of kinship care may not be providing these youth with the best placement (Bartholet, 2009). Thus, it is important to identify whether or not this placement is more beneficial than traditional foster care settings for African American youth.Contextual Factors in Kinship Foster CareGiven its disproportionate use, research that identifies MG-132 web conditions under which kinship placements support the mental health of African American youth is especially important. Some researchers and advocates express concern that children being placed in kinship foster care move to homes similar to those from which they have been removed (Ehrle Geen,J Soc Serv Res. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 February 25.Rufa and FowlerPage2002). The apparent lack of resources in many kinship foster families may occur at multiple levels of contextual influence. A number of possible factors have been theorized but not empirically tested. On a broader scale, kinship homes tend to be in more chaotic neighborhoods than nonkinship homes (Berrick, 1997). Research indicates that children who live in impoverished neighborhoods exhibit worse mental health outcomes, such as anxiety, depression, and conduct disorder symptoms (Leventhal Brooks-Gunn, 2003; Meier, Slutske, Arndt, Cadoret, 2008). African American families may be more likely to accept the challenges of kinship care (Brown et al., 2002; Harris Skyles, 2008), but may also do so while experiencing extremely difficult economic hardships to the detriment of mental health outcomes. More proximally, demographic characteristics of caregivers may also be relevant to children’s mental health. Many kinship caregivers are UNC0642 cost grandmothers, some of whom have health problems that come with old age (Iglehart, 1994; Raphel, 2008; Zinn, 2012). In a qualitative study examining what factors promoted or inhibited effective foster caregiving, kinship foster caregivers reported a significant age disparity (such as between a grandmother and a teenage child), which was a barrier to successful fostering (Coakley, Cuddeback, Buehler Cox, 2007). Another study of characteristics of caregiving environments based on a nationally representative sample found 75 of kinship caregivers were 40 years old or older and reported significantly worse physical health than nonkinship caregivers (Barth et al., 2008a). Old age and poor physical health of the caregiver may be stressors for children that predict better or poorer outcomes for kinshi.Whether or not these effects are found across subpopulations. A consistent trend shows African American youth are more likely to be placed in kinship foster care than other populations (Smith Devore, 2004; Swann Sylvester, 2006). Researchers have theorized that the disproportionate placement of African American youth in kinship foster care relates to cultural assumptions and familial willingness such as large extended family networks of support. Indeed, African American families are more likely to rely on kin or fictive kin in times of need (Brown, Cohon, Wheeler, 2002; Harris Skyles, 2008; Swann Sylvester, 2006). Additionally, others suggest kinship care represents a way to keep children in their families and communities (Bartholet, 2009). While there is evidence to suggest that high rates of child welfare service involvement in predominantly African American communities may adversely affect parental authority and neighborhood cohesion (Roberts, 2008), it is possible the desire to respond through use of kinship care may not be providing these youth with the best placement (Bartholet, 2009). Thus, it is important to identify whether or not this placement is more beneficial than traditional foster care settings for African American youth.Contextual Factors in Kinship Foster CareGiven its disproportionate use, research that identifies conditions under which kinship placements support the mental health of African American youth is especially important. Some researchers and advocates express concern that children being placed in kinship foster care move to homes similar to those from which they have been removed (Ehrle Geen,J Soc Serv Res. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 February 25.Rufa and FowlerPage2002). The apparent lack of resources in many kinship foster families may occur at multiple levels of contextual influence. A number of possible factors have been theorized but not empirically tested. On a broader scale, kinship homes tend to be in more chaotic neighborhoods than nonkinship homes (Berrick, 1997). Research indicates that children who live in impoverished neighborhoods exhibit worse mental health outcomes, such as anxiety, depression, and conduct disorder symptoms (Leventhal Brooks-Gunn, 2003; Meier, Slutske, Arndt, Cadoret, 2008). African American families may be more likely to accept the challenges of kinship care (Brown et al., 2002; Harris Skyles, 2008), but may also do so while experiencing extremely difficult economic hardships to the detriment of mental health outcomes. More proximally, demographic characteristics of caregivers may also be relevant to children’s mental health. Many kinship caregivers are grandmothers, some of whom have health problems that come with old age (Iglehart, 1994; Raphel, 2008; Zinn, 2012). In a qualitative study examining what factors promoted or inhibited effective foster caregiving, kinship foster caregivers reported a significant age disparity (such as between a grandmother and a teenage child), which was a barrier to successful fostering (Coakley, Cuddeback, Buehler Cox, 2007). Another study of characteristics of caregiving environments based on a nationally representative sample found 75 of kinship caregivers were 40 years old or older and reported significantly worse physical health than nonkinship caregivers (Barth et al., 2008a). Old age and poor physical health of the caregiver may be stressors for children that predict better or poorer outcomes for kinshi.